Wednesday, February 16, 2011

Model Building Supplies Wood



Adel Jabbar, a sociologist researcher at the University Ca 'Foscari of Venice and essayist.

What's happening in the Arab world and particularly in Tunisia and Egypt, as in Yemen, Jordan, Algeria, is to show that ended a period in which almost all Arab countries have lived with fear. They lived with repression, often fierce, with systems absolutely authoritarian, dictatorial, despotic, with an element of corruption very evident, with the regimes that have ruled for years, much of the population from participation in public life and politics, not just frightening but also impoverished. In consequence of this the events of today are characterized by two elements: on one side claiming the other side of freedom and the demand for social justice and especially the demand for dignity.
After the fall of the Berlin Wall nell''89 the Arab world is left out of any dialectic of change, the events of today show that the climate of fear and terror is over and we face the start of a new trial. What are the stages, goals, interpretations of public life is to be seen, but while these events give a very clear signal: the populations of Arab countries are no longer willing to bear or economic conditions or political conditions in which they lived years.
I want to use an image making clearer the conditions under which these people found themselves, namely that of a triangle, which has worked all these years as a fence of absolute despotism and repression. A triangle composed, first, a wave of religious fundamentalism that was devoid of a design and clarity of a true interpretation of the needs and the needs of populations; another side to the systems of secular governments, willing, and often familistic corrupt as the third side then the interference of foreign powers that have supported the regimes that support certainly played a decisive role in facilitating the work of decades for long authoritarian and violent cliques. The foreign powers that have supported these schemes often remained silent about the violations of basic rights of the people.
Today, all these elements that have supported the regimes of the area are in crisis in the face of what happened, the grassroots movements that have rebelled against their condition. Whether it is in Egyptian and Tunisian opposition parties said officially, but often less than an opposition-decoration have been bypassed, but the opposition itself, the real one, the one that has lived for decades in a state of repression almost total has been overtaken by these popular forces that are now claiming - even paying a high price-access to political participation and a new role of the state as guarantor of the needs of a large part of the population.
That triangle on which these schemes were based is now broken: both schemes, is the same fundamentalist movements, and foreign powers are in great difficulty in the face of current events. It must be said that these movements are not born from nothing, not born as a mere spontaneous uprising to demand bread, and we're talking about people who have a long history, have a conscience and a sense of itself as many other peoples in the world, especially have a history of struggle for liberation from the yoke of colonial power. In some periods people have moved in terms of revolt, rebellion, though, being unarmed people without outside help, have often been suppressed in the blood. Many of the activists were tortured, imprisoned, exiled, but now it seems that the fear and repression are not sufficient to stem this flow "revolutionary" claims of calling for the end of unpopular regimes, corruption, rot, to achieve social justice, freedom and dignity, showing a very mature political awareness.

I think the crucial components of insecurity and lack of freedom of the citizens. Feeling persecuted (even at home) as a human person, has had a significant and important. Let us remember also that if in the '60s and 'these 70 states have had an economic path that guaranteed income redistribution and the creation of a minimum of Welfare, now this has failed, many state property was privatized, and in many cases, bought up, "familizzate" by relatives of those who ran the power, which in the eyes of the people is absolute dominance. In repressive regimes

so there are even places where people can meet, and often there are no spaces or references to the civil society organizations. This is why tools like Twitter, facebook, cell phones, text messages have become subsidies to exchange information, to know what is happening in different places, in different situations. Today, the electronic connections are very strong terms, are connections that bridge the gaps and even people away from places of power are able to connect, access information and acquire knowledge.
decades also seeing the evolution of a global civil society which is an exchange of languages, themes such as justice, freedom. In recent decades, these processes have become more rapid. The Al Jazeera television has become such a virtual place where people can participate in a series of containers recognize cultural and political rights, there are continuously held discussions on sensitive and delicate that they appear completely different points of view. In the case of what happened in Tunisia, in fact, by mid-December, AJ has been censored when the regime has understood the importance delle capacità di questa televisione di seguire le rivolte nei diversi luoghi del Paese, il luogo dove i tunisini si informano sui loro accadimenti e sulle manifestazioni di sostegno delle altre popolazioni arabe. Durante una trasmissione un cittadino tunisino  intervistato ha detto che il 70% di quello che è avvenuto, il successo della rivolta è stato reso  possibile grazie ad AJ, ma non perché AJ fomentava o sosteneva, ma perché documentava, faceva vedere quello che avveniva, mentre la televisione di stato nascondeva tutto.
Le date del 14 ed 25 gennaio 2011  saranno incise nella profondità dell'immaginario delle genti arabe. Popolazioni che da lunghi anni sono in attesa di riscatto per scrollarsi off a horrible heap of failures and defeats on all levels and especially the perpetuation of Palestinian suffering and the plight delI'Iraq.
This revolution was born from below, without any external support, unlike the "color revolutions" supported by foreign powers. Events are non-functional power to any project large, medium or small, are manifestations of civil disobedience, unarmed, nonviolent and then this refutes the fact that for years in Europe is saying that the Muslim society is identified with violence . The second issue is that these events do not move to religious matters, to defend some kind of abstract sacred, but to defend the dignity of those citizens. Events are poor, many do not even have banners, signs are events where you write by hand, where the watchwords are freedom, dignity, democracy, no to tyranny (Istibdad), no corruption (Fasad) . The strength of these events that are supported by members of the middle class, factory workers, peasants, women, men, elders and young people. They are popular movements, not particularly ideologicizzati. These movements do not arise, as they say Europe's political jargon, because we are the vanguards who foment, they drive. The avant-garde if there will be born from these movements, will be out of the people who actually participated. We must not overlook the presence of a certain political realities with roots, because these events are not born from nothing, in the past there have been protests, riots and demands that are of significant references to the activists of today.
addition to the political forces in favor of a radical change there are many groups that have ties with old and new colonial powers, there are characters that can be recycled, can claim a liberal language may make openings of a certain kind, very moderate, with adjustments for front, but are awaiting the opportunity to enter the game and monitor its effects. Certain that the outside powers will try to find strategies to prevent, abort, crush, to the best of cases, finding a compromise for adjustments timidly liberal politically and economically. But I do not think that is sufficient to answer the needs of a society where about 60% of the population is young, with very high levels of education, high expectations, other than their parents. It has to do with a new very large segment of the population that feels completely excluded, so the adjustments facade can not sustain for long, but we will need radical reforms at both politically and economically, because people are tired of living in unacceptable conditions and accept servility as a recipe to go to a new progress.

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